§2 — The Accounting
1,897 words, about 9 minutes.
The discipline here is to count without flinching and without inflating. So: only what can be sourced, and the contested numbers flagged as contested. The picture that survives that discipline is grave enough.
The birds and the bees. We name this first chapter on purpose, and the reason will deepen before the book is done. Begin with the birds. In 2019, in the journal Science, Rosenberg and colleagues published the most complete inventory ever made of North American bird populations, and found that since 1970 the United States and Canada have lost roughly 2.9 billion breeding birds — about 29% of the total. What unsettled the ornithologists was not the loss of rare species, which they expected, but the erosion of the common ones — sparrows, warblers, blackbirds, the birds of the ordinary backyard. The lead author called it what it is: an indicator of a coming collapse of the wider environment. More than half a century earlier, Rachel Carson had named the danger in advance in Silent Spring — a spring without birdsong — and we did not, in the end, prevent the thing she named; we merely slowed it enough to argue about. Some who study this now permit themselves a quiet extrapolation: that a child born two generations from now could grow into a world where birdsong is rare enough to be remarkable. That last is a presumption, not a measurement, and we mark it as such. But it is drawn along a line we can already see.
Now the bees, who are worse off still. The 2024–2025 season was, by the accounting of the beekeepers themselves, the most catastrophic on record: commercial operations lost on average about 62% of their colonies — some lost between 60 and 100 percent — with roughly 1.6 million colonies gone in a single nine-month window, the worst die-off in nearly two decades. Hold the scale of what depends on these insects: honeybees underwrite something on the order of $17 billion in U.S. agricultural production a year, and pollinators together are responsible for reproducing more than three-quarters of flowering plants and roughly a third of the crops we eat. As the beekeepers put it plainly: one in three bites of your food is there because of a bee. The causes braid — the Varroa mite and its viruses, the loss of forage to monoculture, and the neonicotinoid insecticides whose sublethal doses, recent work suggests, act in lethal synergy with the mites, disrupting the gut and immunity of the larvae before they can grow. Colony Collapse Disorder entered the public vocabulary in the mid-2000s; two decades on, the hives are quieter, not louder.
And we have named the chapter "the birds and the bees" with full knowledge of the phrase's second life — for it is also the gentle old euphemism by which we once taught children how life is made and love is carried into the next generation. That double meaning is not an accident of this book; we give it its own reckoning in §4. For now, hold the literal vanishing.
The insects beneath them all. Bees vanish in part because the wider world of insects is vanishing. In 2017 the Krefeld study — Hallmann and colleagues in PLOS ONE — reported that the total biomass of flying insects in 63 German nature reserves had fallen by more than 75% in 27 years, and by over 80% at midsummer. The detail that should stop the reader is this: every trap was set inside a protected area. The collapse was measured in the very places set aside to prevent it. The base of the food web is thinning beneath everything that stands on it.
The soil, and the farmer who tends it. Here we must discipline ourselves, because the famous number is the unsound one. You will have heard that the world has "only 60 harvests left." It traces to a remark by a senior FAO official in 2014, repeated ever since by documentaries and ministers — but careful work since (Hannah Ritchie and the team at Our World in Data; the science writer James Wong, tracing it for New Scientist) finds no rigorous basis for any single global figure. Soils vary by five orders of magnitude; some erode fast, some barely, some thicken under good management. We retire the headline. What we keep is the sober finding beneath it: many of the world's soils are degrading, some quickly, the loss uneven, serious, and in places urgent. The principal is being spent — just not on the tidy schedule the slogan promised.
And the human cost in the fields is not a slogan. India's own National Crime Records Bureau data underlie an estimate of roughly 300,000 farmer suicides over about two decades. What caused them is genuinely contested, and honesty requires holding the dispute open: one influential account (Vandana Shiva and others) lays the deaths at the door of monopolized, patented seed and the debt it drove, naming the seeds "seeds of suicide"; other serious scholars (Gruère, Qaim, and colleagues) find the data do not support a clean causal line from any single technology, and point instead to debt, drought, tiny landholdings, volatile yields, and economic precarity, braided together. The cause is debated. The scale of the dying is not. A system that produces a quarter-million graves among the people who feed it has something wrong with it, whatever the proximate mechanism turns out to be.
The water. The UN's 2024 World Water Development Report carries a title that is itself an argument: water crises threaten world peace. Roughly 2.2 billion people live without safely managed drinking water; as of 2022, about half the world's population experienced severe water scarcity for at least part of the year, a quarter under "extremely high" stress. Agriculture draws about 70% of all freshwater withdrawn. Some assessments project a 40% gap between global water supply and demand by 2030, and up to 700 million people displaced by scarcity in that window. About 40% of humanity lives in basins shared across borders, and fewer than a fifth of those countries have agreements to manage the shared water. The "water wars" are not a screenwriter's hypothetical; the pressure already shapes the politics of the Nile, the Tigris and Euphrates, the Indus, the Colorado.
And water itself is becoming a thing to be acquired. Across Africa and elsewhere, foreign states and investment funds have been leasing tracts of farmland together with the water rights beneath them — China is the actor most often named, the Gulf states and Western agribusiness close behind — in what critics call "water grabbing": the quiet transfer of a place's most basic sovereignty out from under the people who live there. Honesty compels the caveat that has become this book's signature: the specifically-Chinese version of this story is, by the careful work of scholars like Deborah Brautigam, substantially overstated — many headline deals were announced and never implemented, and the global figures have been revised sharply downward. We will not trade one myth for another. But strip the exaggeration away and a real and growing thing remains: water, the one substance no body can refuse, is being financialized, titled, and moved from the commons into the portfolio. A people who must ask a distant fund for permission to drink are not free, whatever their flag says.
The body, and what we feed it. The most-cited popular case that the modern diet is itself part of the harm is The China Study — T. Colin Campbell's account of the China–Cornell–Oxford Project and decades of his own laboratory work, in which the milk protein casein promoted tumors in aflatoxin-exposed rats while plant proteins did not. Here too we keep our discipline. The book's strongest claim — that animal protein as such drives human cancer — is an overgeneralization that serious critics have fairly contested; the leap from casein-in-rats to all animal protein does not hold cleanly, and the China data are correlational. But the book's broader direction — that a diet engineered around ultra-processed food, refined sugar, and industrial animal products tracks the diseases of affluence, while whole, plant-rich food protects — sits comfortably inside mainstream nutritional consensus. The deeper point is not vegan versus not. It is that the food system is optimized for shelf-life, margin, and craving — not for the body that eats it.
The chemistry we swim in — and the plastic now inside us. Consider one molecule, and then the sea of them. In 2015 the World Health Organization's own cancer agency, the IARC, classified glyphosate — the active ingredient in Roundup — as "probably carcinogenic to humans" (Group 2A), citing an association with non-Hodgkin lymphoma and strong evidence of genotoxicity. That same year and after, the European Food Safety Authority, the US EPA, the European Chemicals Agency, and the joint WHO/FAO panel reached the opposite conclusion: unlikely to pose a carcinogenic hazard. The clash is the lesson. When the same compound is "probably carcinogenic" to one expert body and "unlikely" to another — the disagreement turning partly on whether one trusts independently reviewed studies or industry-submitted ones — the public is left to litigate its own health in the dark, which is exactly what has happened, with Bayer (which absorbed Monsanto) paying out enormous settlements while denying that the product causes harm.
But glyphosate is only the molecule we happened to name. The deeper fact is the totality of the chemical envelope we now live inside and have stopped noticing. We relax, as in the prologue, by lowering our bodies into warm chlorine and calling it clean. We carry, in our blood and fat, a low constant load of industrial compounds our grandparents never met. And the plastics have moved inside us: within the last two years researchers have reported finding microplastics in every human placenta tested and in every testicle examined, in blood, breast milk, lungs, and heart — and, most arrestingly, accumulating in the human brain, where a 2025 study in Nature Medicine estimated the average frontal cortex may now hold something on the order of a plastic spoon's worth, with concentrations risen by roughly half in just eight years. We live, additionally, inside a fog of electromagnetic fields whose long-term effects remain genuinely contested — the same IARC has classed radiofrequency radiation only as "possibly" carcinogenic, a weaker and unsettled grade, and the mainstream weight of evidence has not established harm at ordinary exposures. We will not pretend otherwise; the discipline of this book forbids it. What is not contested is the simpler and stranger fact: there is no longer any part of a human life lived outside the artifice — no unmediated air, water, food, or field, and now no unmediated body. A species becoming, molecule by molecule, partly made of its own packaging has lost something it does not yet have the instruments to measure.
The footnote to the audit. Every figure above can be argued at its margins, and we have flagged the places where the loudest numbers fail. But the direction is not seriously in dispute by anyone who is actually looking: birds down, bees down, insects down, soils thinning, water tightening and titling, the people who farm dying at terrible rates, the body fed and now filled by a system tuned to something other than its flourishing. The principal is being spent. This part of the audit closes in the red.